Jantar Mantar Student Movement 2026: Exam Leaks, Police Action and Political Hijacking

The Jantar Mantar student movement of 2026 emerged from growing anger over alleged NEET-UG paper leaks, CBSE evaluation failures and the absence of meaningful institutional accountability. Organised under the satirical banner of the Cockroach Janta Party, the campaign moved rapidly from social-media dissent to mass mobilisation, Sonam Wangchuk’s hunger strike and the controversial Sansad Chalo march. This research paper examines the movement’s educational, constitutional, administrative and political dimensions, including police action, Section 163 of the BNSS and allegations that political actors attempted to hijack a student-led campaign.

1. Introduction: Digital Precarity and the Rise of Parodic Resistance

In the contemporary digital landscape, outrage algorithms and meme cultures have fundamentally altered the dynamics of collective bargaining and political dissent¹⁰. The emergence of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) in mid-May 2026 illustrates how marginal, highly precarious youth demographics can weaponize state-level pathologization into a formidable instrument of street mobilization³.

The movement’s nomenclature is a direct response to oral observations made on May 15, 2026, during a Supreme Court contempt petition, Sanjay Dubey v. Registrar General, Delhi High Court & Anr.³. During a heated exchange regarding the delay in designating Senior Advocates and the prevalence of fraudulent law degrees, a two-judge bench comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi criticized what they characterized as frivolous, systematic attacks on constitutional offices³. The Chief Justice observed:

“There are youngsters like cockroaches, who don’t get any employment or have any place in profession… and they start attacking everyone [on social media, RTI activism, etc.]… and they are like parasites of society”³.

Though the CJI issued an official clarification on May 16, 2026, stating his criticisms were strictly limited to individuals practicing with “fake and bogus degrees” rather than the broader Indian youth¹², the “cockroach” label catalyzed immediate national outrage³.

Turning this pathologizing rhetoric on its head, Abhijeet Dipke, a 30-year-old digital strategist and Boston University graduate, founded the “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP) as a parodic political front on May 16, 2026³. Under the satirical tagline “Voice of the Lazy & Unemployed” and using AI tools to design a biting, populist manifesto, the CJP’s Instagram handle rapidly surpassed 22 million followers within under a week, outstripping the official pages of established political parties³. What began as social media parody, however, quickly found a structural base of material grievances on June 6, 2026, as millions of students confronted systemic failures in national examination frameworks².

2. Chronological Escalation: From Localized Academic Grievances to National Confrontation

The trajectory of the July 2026 Jantar Mantar movement is characterized by a rapid, multi-stage escalation that systematically expanded the campaign’s scale, moral weight, and political dimensions:

[May 15, 2026] ———-> [May 16, 2026] ———> [June 6, 2026] ———> [June 28, 2026] ——–> [Mid-July 2026] ——-> [July 20, 2026]
CJI “Cockroach”            Abhijeet Dipke             First Offline            Sonam Wangchuk           Celebrity &             Sansad Chalo
Oral Observation           Launches Parodic CJP       Protest at Jantar        Joins Protest with       Opposition Influx       March & Clash;
in Supreme Court           Digital Platform           Mantar (NEET Leak)       Indefinite Fast          to Protest Camp         Gherao of Parliament

The Satirical Spark (May 15–16, 2026): CJI Surya Kant’s courtroom remarks comparing unemployed activists to “cockroaches” ignited online fury³. Digital strategist Abhijeet Dipke launched the “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP) as a parody on May 16, which immediately achieved massive viral reach³.
Taking to the Streets (June 6, 2026): The CJP transitioned from a social media phenomenon into a physical street protest, holding its first major demonstration at Jantar Mantar to demand the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan².
The Moral Core (June 28, 2026): Eminent Ladakhi educator and activist Sonam Wangchuk joined the protest camp, initiating an indefinite, non-violent hunger strike². His participation shifted the movement’s image from an online youth meme into a serious moral campaign, drawing middle-class parents, senior citizens, and civic organizations to Jantar Mantar².
The Celebrity and Political Influx (Mid-July 2026): As Wangchuk’s health deteriorated, prominent public figures, Bollywood celebrities (such as Shabana Azmi and Prakash Raj), and senior opposition leaders visited the camp, amplifying the movement’s visibility on a national scale⁴.
The Transition to Confrontation (July 20, 2026): Shifting away from static demonstrations, the movement announced a “Sansad Chalo” march to coincide with the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament². This marked the movement’s transition from a localized student sit-in into a direct, confrontational challenge to the state⁹.

3. Structuring Grievances: NEET-UG Exam Leaks and the CBSE OSM Scandal

The offline mass mobilization of the CJP was fueled by two concurrent institutional crises within India’s educational evaluation infrastructure²:

3.1 The NEET-UG Paper-Leak Crisis

The immediate trigger for widespread student participation was the 2026 National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET-UG) scandal, affecting over 2.3 million medical aspirants competing for a mere 130,000 seats¹³. Systemic leakage of examination papers to commercial syndicates compromised the integrity of the test, forcing cancellations and subsequent retakes on June 21, 2026¹. The administrative failure and associated uncertainty triggered a severe mental health crisis, directly linking the state’s regulatory failures to more than twenty student suicides¹.

3.2 The CBSE On-Screen Marking (OSM) Controversy

Simultaneously, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) Class 12 evaluation process faced an unprecedented technological crisis². In February 2026, CBSE introduced digital answer-sheet evaluation (OSM) for over 98 lakh answer books (amounting to 1.96 crore scanned pages)²¹. The contract was awarded to Hyderabad-based Coempt Eduteck under standard Quality-and-Cost Based Selection (QCBS) after two previous bidding rounds failed to attract eligible candidates²². Coempt, formerly operating as Globarena Technologies, was previously linked to a disastrous 2019 grading fiasco in Telangana that similarly resulted in student suicides and National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) interventions²⁰.

To accommodate the selected vendor under a truncated six-month timeline, CBSE relaxed key tender requirements²²:

It lowered the minimum scanning resolution from 300 to 200 DPI²².
It dropped the explicit mandate for high-speed robotic scanners²².

The digital rollout was marred by critical glitches²⁰:

Mismatched answer sheets and candidate profiles, where students accessed sheets belonging to other candidates²⁰.
Software anomalies where additional marks calculated by examiners were recorded as deductions⁶.
Widespread scan blurriness, forcing the emergency manual checking of over 13,000 answer books²¹.

In May 2026, 17-year-old student Sarthak Sidhant published a forensic blog post titled “How CBSE rewrote rules to favour Coempt EduTeck,” proving that CBSE had modified its RFP to mask Coempt’s historical blacklisting as Globarena²³. This document went viral, transforming individual student anxiety into structured political outrage²³.

Technical Parameter	NEET-UG Examination	CBSE Class 12 OSM Process
Primary Systemic Failure	Pre-examination paper leak and illicit commercialization¹³	Software glitches, scan blurriness, and mismatched candidate scripts²⁰
Contractual Controversy	Administrative leaks within the National Testing Agency / Education Ministry¹³	Modified tender requirements favoring Coempt Eduteck (formerly Globarena)²⁰
Relaxation of Standards	Institutional failure to secure physical test material¹³	Resolution lowered to 200 DPI and removal of robotic scanner mandate²²
Political Demands	Resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan and suicide compensation²	Independent audit, complete script recheck, and systemic procurement reform⁶

4. The Confluence of Civil Disobedience: Sonam Wangchuk’s Hunger Strike

On June 28, 2026, the Ladakhi environmental activist, educator, and innovator Sonam Wangchuk joined Jantar Mantar and declared an indefinite, non-violent hunger strike in solidarity with the students². His physical presence shifted the movement’s character from online youth satire to a serious moral campaign, drawing middle-class families and civil society networks¹³.

By mid-July, Wangchuk’s condition had deteriorated critically, with his weight dropping from 66 kg to 57.15 kg and his clinical vitals reaching perilous levels⁷. On July 15, 2026, advocate Rakesh Saini filed a PIL in the Delhi High Court (Rakesh Kumar Saini v. Union of India & Anr.), asserting that the state had a constitutional “duty of care” under Article 21 to preserve Wangchuk’s life, even if it required force-feeding him a liquid diet²⁵. This petition highlighted a profound constitutional tension between state-enforced life preservation and personal bodily autonomy²⁷:

State Custody vs. Bodily Autonomy: While historically the state used Section 309 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to arrest hunger strikers for “attempted suicide” and force-feed them through nasogastric tubes (as with Manipur’s Irom Sharmila)²⁸, modern jurisprudence under Common Cause v. Union of India (2018) recognizes a competent adult’s right to refuse medical intervention as an intrinsic component of dignity under Article 21¹⁴.
The High Court Directive: On July 16, 2026, the Division Bench of the Delhi High Court disposed of the PIL by recording the Solicitor General’s assurance that Wangchuk’s vitals would be monitored daily by government experts, directing authorities to take necessary, life-saving steps strictly guided by accepted clinical protocols³⁰.

Taking advantage of this judicial mandate, the Delhi Police, under newly appointed Commissioner Anurag Kumar, moved to dismantle the Jantar Mantar camp¹⁶. In the early hours of July 18, 2026, police deployed white sheets to shield the stage and forcibly transferred the weakened activist to Safdarjung Hospital¹⁶. Wangchuk’s wife, Gitanjali J. Angmo, immediately challenged this action, characterizing his hospital confinement as “illegal detention” and presenting a private laboratory test showing normal potassium levels of 3.5 in contrast to the government hospital’s “life-threatening” reading of 2.9, which had been used to justify the intervention¹⁶.

On July 20, 2026, the Delhi High Court declined to grant interim relief to shift Wangchuk to a private medical facility, ruling that the medical transfer to Safdarjung Hospital was a necessary, non-arbitrary response to preserve his life³⁶. Sequestered in the hospital, Wangchuk refused all intravenous lines, accepting only oral potassium syrup and electrolytes with consent³⁰. He declared that he would break his fast only if three conditions were met³⁹:

The government accepts responsibility for failures in the education system and paper leaks³⁹.
Protesters are allowed to march to Parliament, and lawmakers pledge to raise the issues in both Houses⁴⁰.
Alternatively, Members of Parliament visit him at the hospital to provide these assurances³⁹.

5. Spatial Conflict and the July 20 “Sansad Chalo” Escalation

The tension surrounding Wangchuk’s forced hospitalization directly catalyzed the “Sansad Chalo” march on Monday, July 20, 2026, the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament¹.

5.1 Legal Geography: Section 163 of the BNSS, 2023

To contain the march, Delhi Police Commissioner Anurag Kumar enforced prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the newly enacted Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023 (which replaced Section 144 of the CrPC on July 1, 2024) across the entire New Delhi district²⁴. Section 163 empowers executive magistrates to issue preventive written orders to prohibit assemblies of five or more persons to prevent public disturbance⁴².

While the designated protest space at Jantar Mantar remained open with prior permission, any attempt to move outside this perimeter was deemed an “unlawful assembly”⁴³. The Delhi Metro closed five critical stations near the parliament, and mobile internet was shut down in central Delhi².

5.2 Kinetic Confrontation and Casualties

Despite these barriers, an estimated crowd of tens of thousands descended on Jantar Mantar and attempted to advance toward the Parliament building¹. When demonstrators attempted to scale the metal barricades near Parliament Street, Shastri Bhawan, and the Constitution Club, security forces launched a kinetic crackdown, deploying tear gas, water cannons, and executing extensive lathi charges¹¹.

The resulting clashes left at least 118 security personnel and dozens of student protesters injured². Demonstrators retaliated by pelting stones, damaging approximately 15 to 20 government vehicles, and vandalizing two Delhi Police buses². Over 70 individuals were detained, with 53 protesters transported to Chhatrasal Stadium, which had been designated as a temporary holding facility⁸.

Amid the escalating violence, a CJP delegation led by Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka was escorted to the residence of Union Health Minister J.P. Nadda². During the ten-minute meeting, the delegation formally submitted their demands: the immediate release of Sonam Wangchuk, the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan, and a ₹1 crore compensation package for the families of NEET suicide victims². While Nadda accepted the written petition and urged the CJP to end their sit-in, he made no binding commitments, leaving the political deadlock unresolved¹.

6. The “Hijacking” Debate: Student Movement vs. Political Flashpoint

The fundamental shift in the movement’s methods—moving from static, peaceful demonstrations for NEET reform at Jantar Mantar to an aggressive, unauthorized “gherao” of Parliament on July 20—has sparked a fierce debate over whether the student agitation has been politically co-opted or “hijacked”¹.

6.1 The Case for Political Hijacking

Critics and government officials argue that the movement has lost its organic, student-led character and has been transformed into a political weapon to target the central government⁴.

Dilution of Original Grievances: Critics point out that the initial focus of the protests—technical examination integrity, paper leaks, and CBSE grading issues—has been sidelined⁴. The rhetoric on the streets on July 20 shifted toward highly political anti-government slogans, such as “Go, Pradhan, Go, Saat Mein Modi Ko Bhi Lo! (Take Modi along with you too!)”¹⁹.
Opposition Co-optation: The influx of senior opposition leaders has fueled accusations that political parties are using the students as proxies⁴. Prominent figures from the Congress Party, Samajwadi Party (SP), Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), and Left-wing student organizations (such as AISA and SFI) have actively positioned themselves at the forefront of the agitation². During the Monsoon Session, Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge raised the Jantar Mantar lathi-charge in the Rajya Sabha, while Samajwadi Party MP Dimple Yadav led a solidarity march of parliamentarians to the site⁴⁶. Critics argue that their presence has turned a technical administrative grievance into a partisan struggle⁴.
Shift to Confrontation: The decision to organize a “Sansad Chalo” march despite explicit police warnings and active prohibitory orders under Section 163 BNSS is viewed by the administration as a deliberate attempt to cause public disorder in a high-security legislative zone⁴². Government officials argue that peaceful students do not scale metal barricades, vandalize police buses, or pelt stones, suggesting that external, politically motivated actors have hijacked the crowd to provoke a state reaction⁸.

6.2 The Case for Organic Escalation

Conversely, movement organizers, student leaders, and their supporters strongly reject the “hijacking” narrative, claiming the escalation is a necessary and organic response to state indifference:

A Reaction to Government Silence: Protesters argue that the government’s refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue or accept accountability for the exam leaks for over a month left them with no choice but to march to Parliament⁴. They assert that in a democracy, street pressure is the only mechanism to force executive responsiveness⁴.
A Broadened Youth Crisis: CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke maintains that the movement has expanded organically because the exam failures represent a broader, systemic failure of the job market and youth opportunities⁴. They argue that demanding the resignation of the political head of education is a standard democratic demand, not a partisan conspiracy⁴.
Non-Partisan Symbolic Directives: Organizers point out that they explicitly instructed all march participants to avoid carrying political or organizational flags, asking them instead to carry only the national flag and copies of the Constitution to maintain a non-partisan identity². They argue that the presence of opposition politicians is a standard feature of any major civic protest and does not mean the students have surrendered their autonomy¹⁵.

7. Media Mapping: Discourses on Containment and Dissent

The confrontation at Jantar Mantar has been covered extensively by various media houses, each adopting distinct analytical lenses and reporting frameworks:

7.1 Accountability and Socio-Legal Framing (The Hindu & The Wire)

These outlets have focused heavily on investigative journalism and the constitutional implications of the conflict:

CBSE OSM Dissection: The Hindu and The Wire have published detailed analyses of the CBSE On-Screen Marking tender, tracing how key norms (such as scanning resolutions and robotic scanner mandates) were altered to facilitate the contract award to Coempt Eduteck⁶.
Surveillance and Privacy Rights: They have provided prominent coverage of the PIL filed by former JNU Students’ Union President Aishe Ghosh⁵². Their reports highlight the “intrusive police surveillance” at Jantar Mantar—including the construction of a permanent surveillance tower and the alleged threats to send footage to students’ parents—framing it as a critical violation of privacy under the Puttaswamy precedent⁵².

7.2 On-Ground Logistics and Administrative Shifts (Hindustan Times & India Today)

These mainstream outlets focus on immediate, high-impact news updates, logistics, and personnel shifts:

The Scale of Protest: Hindustan Times reported on the sheer scale of the July 20 march, documenting estimations of up to 50,000 protesters taking to the streets⁴⁵.
Police Shake-ups: India Today broke detailed reports on the sudden removal of Delhi Police Commissioner Satish Golcha and his replacement by Anurag Kumar, specifically highlighting internal allegations that Golcha’s “unprofessional” handling of the early CJP protests and lingering departmental corruption cases prompted the home ministry’s rapid intervention³².
Vandalism and Injuries: They have heavily documented the physical toll of the July 20 clashes, citing official figures of over 50 injured police officers, 5 injured IPS officers, and the vandalism of Delhi Police buses⁸.

7.3 Judicial and Courtroom Proceedings (Live Law & Bar and Bench)

These specialized legal portals avoid political rhetoric and focus strictly on the constitutional battles playing out in the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court:

The “Cockroach” Transcripts: They provided the original, verbatim records of CJI Surya Kant’s May 15 oral remarks and his subsequent May 16 clarification, ensuring the legal context of the “parasites” and “cockroaches” remarks was preserved³.
The Force-Feeding & Transfer Cases: They have meticulously covered the legal arguments surrounding advocate Rakesh Kumar Saini’s PIL to force-feed Sonam Wangchuk under the state’s “duty of care”²⁵. They also detailed the subsequent High Court hearings on Gitanjali Angmo’s petition to shift Wangchuk from Safdarjung Hospital, focusing on the legal debates surrounding patient autonomy, bodily integrity, and Article 21³⁰.

7.4 Political Standoffs and Conspiracy Angles (NDTV)

NDTV has focused on the intense political debate surrounding the protest’s identity:

Student vs. Political Flashpoint: Their broadcasts have directly explored the question of whether the “paper leak fury” has transitioned into an aggressive political flashpoint⁹.
The “Conspiracy” Probe: They have reported on the Delhi Police’s active investigations into “conspiracy angles” behind the July 20 violence, detailing police claims that several detained individuals were not actual students, and that suspicious social media handles (some allegedly operating from Pakistan) were used to spread misleading information to fuel the clashes⁸.

7.5 Global Democratic Perspective (The Guardian, AP News, & Reuters)

International outlets have framed the movement as a significant public challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third term:

Youth Unemployment & Authoritarianism: The Guardian and AP have linked the student anger over exam leaks to broader issues, such as India’s high graduate youth unemployment rate (estimated at nearly 40% for those under 25)¹³. They characterize the protest as a rare, highly coordinated show of defiance against a right-wing government often accused of shrinking the space for civic dissent¹.
Documentation of Police Force: While local authorities denied claims of excessive violence, international reports systematically documented the direct use of baton charges, tear gas, and physical confrontations on the streets, contrasting the official state narrative with on-ground visual evidence¹.

8. Conclusion: The Slippery Slope of Containment

The confrontation between the Cockroach Janta Party and the Indian state raises profound questions regarding the interpretation of constitutional rights and the shifting dynamics of democratic dissent in the digital age²⁷. The legal battles fought in the corridors of the Delhi High Court over mass surveillance, bodily autonomy, and preventive detention under Section 163 of the BNSS highlight the evolving interface between state authority and individual liberty²⁷.

Ultimately, the July 2026 protests reveal a critical shift in how political movements operate⁵. The transition of the CJP from a satirical online joke into a formidable street movement demonstrates the power of modern “outrage algorithms” to translate digital precarity into real-world collective action⁵. By reclaiming a dehumanizing slur used by the highest judicial office and pairing it with serious demands for academic integrity, India’s youth have created a new style of civic engagement⁴.

However, the state’s multi-layered response—combining kinetic police force, digital censorship, preventive detention, and paternalistic medical interventions—shows the formidable capacity of the administrative apparatus to adapt and preserve its authority³. As the political deadlock over the examination system persists, the “Cockroach” movement serves as a stark reminder of the deep structural issues facing the country’s youth, and the increasingly sophisticated legal and physical battles being fought to define the limits of dissent in the world’s largest democracy⁵.

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Delhi HC rejects plea seeking transfer of activist Sonam Wangchuk from Safdarjung hospital, https://m.economictimes.com/news/india/delhi-hc-rejects-plea-seeking-transfer-of-activist-sonam-wangchuk-from-safdarjung-hospital/articleshow/132493065.cms
Hospital shift not arbitrary, says Delhi high court, rejects plea to move Sonam Wangchuk out, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/hospital-shift-not-arbitrary-says-delhi-high-court-rejects-plea-to-move-sonam-wangchuk-out/articleshow/132503948.cms
Delhi High Court declines to shift Sonam Wangchuk out of Safdarjung Hospital – The Leaflet, https://theleaflet.in/amp/story/leaflet-reports/delhi-high-court-declines-to-shift-sonam-wangchuk-out-of-safdarjung-hospital
Sonam Wangchuk’s wife Angmo moves Delhi HC again challenging Safdarjung hospital transfer denial, https://m.economictimes.com/news/india/sonam-wangchuks-wife-moves-delhi-high-court-against-safdarjung-hospital-transfer-denial/articleshow/132505240.cms
India police use tear gas to stop march on Parliament by Cockroach movement supporters, https://apnews.com/article/india-cockroach-janta-party-sonam-wangchuk-hunger-strike-cbeb4773e89d67250f0bcad1670fcd38
Tear Gas, Lathicharge As At Least 20000 March With CJP To Parliament – NDTV, https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/cjp-parliament-march-chaos-lathicharge-by-cops-ahead-of-cjps-march-to-parliament-11794248
Section 163 of BNSS: Features, Powers, Duration, Punishment, Case Laws & UPSC Notes, https://testbook.com/ias-preparation/section-163-of-bnss
Delhi Police imposes ‘section 163’ ahead of CJP’s ‘Chalo Sansad’ parliament march, https://www.businesstoday.in/latest/trends/story/delhi-police-imposes-section-163-ahead-of-cjps-chalo-sansad-parliament-march-543852-2026-07-20
CJP protest in Delhi LIVE: Dipke, protesters reclaim dismantled Jantar Mantar protest site, as CJP awaits Govt response to demands – The Hindu, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/cjp-protest-july-20-2026-cockroach-janata-party-jantar-mantar-parliament-march-sonam-wangchuk/article71242448.ece
Police use baton charge, fire tear gas at Cockroach Janta Party protests in Delhi, https://www.tbsnews.net/world/south-asia/police-use-baton-charge-fire-tear-gas-cockroach-janta-party-protests-delhi-1493376
‘Neet hai ya cheat hai?’ Dimple Yadav joins CJP’s ‘Sansad Chalo’ protest at Jantar Mantar, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/neet-hai-ya-cheat-hai-dimple-yadav-joins-cjps-sansad-chalo-protest-at-jantar-mantar/articleshow/132508394.cms
‘We made govt bow and listen to us’: CJP after meeting Nadda; protest continues at Jantar Mantar, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/dipke-ends-hunger-strike-cjp-spokespersons-to-meet-nadda-key-points-from-sansad-chalo-march/articleshow/132504100.cms
CJP Parliament March LIVE: Delhi Police Says More Than 70 People Detained; Sonam Wangchuk Vows To Continue Fast Amid Sansad Chalo March – ETV Bharat, https://www.etvbharat.com/en/bharat/live-blog–cockroach-janta-party-cjp-parliament-march-live-updates-delhi-jantar-mantar-sansad-chalo-abhijeet-dipke-dharmendra-pradhan-sonam-wangchuk-enn26072001149
I spent a night as a cockroach at CJP’s Jantar Mantar protest. This is what I saw, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/night-at-cockroach-janta-party-protest-jantar-mantar-sonam-wangchuk-hunger-strike-2948080-2026-07-15
CJP representatives to meet JP Nadda, govt reached out for talks, says party spokesperson — top developments, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/cjps-chalo-sansad-march-protesters-gather-at-jantar-mantar-amid-heavy-security/articleshow/132504100.cms
The Cockroach Janta Party — Voice of India’s Burnt-Out Youth, https://www.thecockroachjantaparty.org.in/
Delhi HC to hear PIL alleging ‘intrusive police surveillance’ of Cockroach Janta Party protesters – The Hindu, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/delhi-hc-to-hear-pil-alleging-intrusive-police-surveillance-of-cockroach-janta-party-protesters/article71232912.ece
Delhi Police denies ‘intrusive surveillance’ of ‘Cockroach’ protest; videography for ‘law and order’ – The Hindu, https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/delhi-police-denies-intrusive-surveillance-of-cockroach-protest-videography-for-law-and-order/article71245523.ece/amp/
Anurag Kumar is new Delhi Police Commissioner: Who is he? – The Hindu, https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/anurag-kumar-delhi-police-commissioner-satish-golcha-who-is-he/article71233299.ece